The CIA held JFK in contempt and believed he was a national security threat and was too soft on communism. The multi-national corporations hated JFK and fought tooth and nail to derail his agenda. Israel surely was probably one of the primary players in the operation to assassinate JFK but Michele Metta’s book On the Trail of Clay Shaw: The Italian Undercover CIA and Mossad Station and the Assassination of JFK shows with declassified Permindex documents, which Michael Piper did not have, although was very close to the truth, as was Jim Garrison, that this was a Internationalist team effort. It involved the Seligman Bank, Bloomfield through CMC-Permindex Inc. whose members included Zionist protestant preachers like Gigliotti, P2 lodge members, Mossad and CIA agents as well as wealthy Zionist bankers who hired, through liaisons, neo-fascists and former Mussolini alleys in Strategy of Tension operations to curtail communism. The CIA is very much opposed to communism. So much so, that detente and mere diplomacy of JFK, Fulbright and others, such as former director of the CIA Smith, who was sacked after Gigliotti sent a letter to Truman, was considered communist. Smith believed, like JFK and Fullbright, that diplomacy must be the first and final option. Only rarely should we use the military (not the CIA) for operations in foreign countries, only if Americans are gravely threatened. Frank Gigliotti and the pro-Irgun sect within the CIA felt otherwise. So, the CIA had all the reason to kill JFK and the government in Israel had all the reason too! Match made in heaven. Anyone telling you communists killed JFK is lying. Also, Gigliotti signed an anti-JFK pact with the P2 lodge in Italy, and various Zionists with close ties to Israel. In the recently published Journals: 1952-2000 of the late American historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., he writes a month after Kennedy’s election, Schlesinger recorded in his diary a resume of his conversations with the president-elect. When they reached the subject of who would be secretary of state, the name of David Bruce, a veteran diplomat, was mentioned, but Schlesinger thought he would “not have too many ideas of his own.” Later, at Kennedy’s house, the president-elect talked favorably about senator J.W. Fulbright. For Kennedy, the influence of Fulbright in the Senate “seemed a paramount consideration.” Schlesinger asked Kennedy if Fulbright would not “alienate the negroes and the Jews?” and Kennedy said, “I don’t care about the Jews.”
The JFK conspiracy was fueled by the CIA, Mossad, and Italian Intelligence. Michael Collins Piper was on the right track in Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK, Metta proves who was in on the conspiracy and who was funding it: Simon Peres, Ben-Gurion, the Mossad, the CIA, the P2 lodge, World Brotherhood Incorporated, CMC and Permindex. Michele Metta lives in Rome. He is a historian, and a journalist for the Italian newspaper l’AntiDiplomatico, where he has distinguished himself for being author of many scoops on the assassinations of JFK and RFK. Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, a major shareholder in the Swiss company Permindex, died in 1984. A few years before his death donated 31 boxes of documents to the Library and Archives Canada. The one condition Bloomfield placed on the donation was that public access to the papers would be restricted for 20 years after his death. However, when researcher Maurice Phillips, attempted to gain access to these materials in 2004 he found that Bloomfield’s widow, Justine Stern Bloomfield Cartier, was still refusing permission for them to be released into the public domain. Permindex was comprised of:
(1) Solidarists and Eastern European exile organization.
(2) American Council of Christian Churches led by Haroldson L. Hunt.
(3) Free Cuba Committee headed by Carlos Prio.
(4) The Syndicate headed by Clifford Jones, ex-lieutenant governor of Nevada. This group also included Bobby Baker, George Smathers, Roy Cohn, Fred Black and Lewis McWillie.
(5) Security Division of NASA headed by Wernher von Braun.
Source: unz.com
In an essay published in March 1961 the novelist Philip Roth argued that the challenge for the American writer was not to expand real events but to contain them. “It stupefies, it sickens, it infuriates, and finally it is even a kind of embarrassment to one’s own meager imagination.” And he gave the example of the famous television debate between Kennedy and Nixon: “All the machinations over make-up, rebuttal time, all the business over whether Mr. Nixon should look at Mr. Kennedy when he replied, or should look away—all of it was so fantastic, so weird and astonishing, that I found myself beginning to wish I had invented it.” In the 1925 novel The Great Gatsby - the culmination of the European way of life in America - the story is that of the lonely individual struggling against the forces of convention as he pursues his personal vision of happiness. That vision was bound to be defeated because no individual can stand up to the social whole and because only failure can certify that his or her vision was purely personal and subjective, divorced from the world of realities the moment it was first conceived.
In The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America (1962), the historian Daniel Boorstin could already warn his contemporaries that “we risk being the first people in history to have been able to make their illusions so vivid, so persuasive, so realistic that they can live in them. We are the most illusioned people on Earth. Yet we dare not become disillusioned, because our illusions are the very house in which we live; they are our news, our heroes, our adventure, our forms of art, our very experience.” In Infinite Jest, the sprawling 1996 novel by David Foster Wallace, the real story is the struggle to develop and cohere that story into a finished book. The author sets out the conflict in terms of the very largess of the story's range, swept across endless characters and topics. There is a terrorist group and a North American superstate, calendar years sponsored by corporations, and a movie so funny it can kill you. These elements are rather miraculously brought together in an overarching plot. The classical American hero rises up against convention and tradition in the search for absolute freedom. The individual search is now a search for meaning."
Americans have been leading a double life, Norman Mailer suggested in 1960, and American history has moved on two rivers, one visible, the other underground. There has been the history of politics, which is concrete, factual, practical and dull, and also a subterranean river of romantic desires, the dream life of the nation. The springs of this underground river he located in that moment when the frontier was finally conquered and the expansion turned inward, becoming part of an agitated, overexcited, superheated dream life, echoed by the Hollywood film studios. With Kennedy the subterranean river, its unstoppable force, was felt at the surface. When the candidate arrived at the Democratic convention in Los Angeles, Mailer detected a certain uneasiness. “America’s politics would now be also America’s favorite movie, America’s best-seller.” But everything stayed within limits—for the time being. Kennedy might look like a movie star, his manners elegant and his gestures strong and quick, but his public mind and his ideas were quite complex. As the theologian Reinhold Niebuhr put it in his classic book The Irony of American History (1952): “Reality is essentially an obstacle for heroism. Call it the Hollywood theatre of truth. Our dreams of bringing the whole of human history under the control of the human will are ironically refuted by the fact that no group of idealists can easily move the pattern of history toward the desired goal of peace and justice.”
As Kurt Andersen puts it in Fantasyland: How America Went Haywire: A 500-Year History (2017): “the American experiment, the original embodiment of the great Enlightenment idea of intellectual freedom, every individual free to believe anything she wishes, has metastasized out of control.” Since the eighteenth century, liberal culture has been increasingly impatient with the failure of human power to bring the total pattern of historical development under control. The United States happened to become the undisputed leader of the free world at the time when the goal finally seemed within reach—when the control of the atom seemed to render ludicrous the belief that human beings could not likewise be controlled. America became, as Niebuhr wrote, “the prime bearer of this hope and dream.” The element of irony lies in the fact that a strong America turned out to be much less the master of its own destiny than was the young republic, “rocking in the cradle of its continental security and serene in its infant innocence.” Writing in 1952, Niebuhr still felt confident that America had the patience and the shrewdness to “avoid the ultimate error of trying to bring the historical process to what would seem to us to be its ultimate conclusion.” —"History has Begun" (2020) by Bruno Maçães
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